Who supports the Taliban in Afghanistan and who does not?

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In recent years, the Taliban has also established itself among non-Pashtun ethnic groups.

The victory of the Taliban would not have been possible without the support of the people. No neighboring country can sustain insurgency for 20 years, especially against the United States and its NATO allies, unless the rebels have a support base in their own country. It is being said that like every political and military group, the Taliban have their own opponents. Below is a look at who supports the Taliban in Afghanistan and who doesn’t.

Common nationality is a source of support for the Taliban.

To begin with, we need to look at two things, race and ideology, to find out who supports the Taliban. First, from an ethnic point of view, the Taliban are primarily an ethnic Pashtun group. From its leadership to its fighters, the group is dominated by Pashtuns. Among the Pashtuns, the Durrani tribes of southern and southwestern Afghanistan dominate the Taliban’s status and file, and thus the Taliban have more support inside the Durrani tribes, than outside them, except for the Achakzai.

In addition, veteran Mujahideen fighter Jalaluddin Haqqani (from the Zadran tribe) joined the Taliban, and some Zadrans in southeastern Afghanistan also became Taliban supporters. However, since the Pashtuns are divided into tribes, sub-tribes and clans and there is often intense animosity and rivalry between the Pashtun tribes and clans, it would be an exaggeration to say that the Taliban represent all Pashtuns.

In recent years, the Taliban has also established itself among non-Pashtun ethnic groups. Taking advantage of complaints against the Afghan government, drug trafficking and local hostilities, the Taliban have brought many non-Pashtun local commanders under their umbrella in northern Afghanistan. That being said, Pashtuns continue to form large numbers of the Taliban and, as an ethnic group, are more sympathetic to the Taliban than non-Pashtun ethnic groups, especially the Shia thousands in central Afghanistan.

The common ideology is the source of support for the Taliban.

From an ideological point of view, much of Afghanistan is fertile ground for the extremist and misguided ideology of the Taliban. It is based on the theory that the Taliban have more popular support than any other base across Afghanistan (and in ethnic and linguistic groups). Since the 1978 communist uprising in Kabul, Afghans have received a constant supply of religious extremist literature, making it easier for them to accept and embrace the Taliban.

For example, when topics such as suicide bombings (including fellow students at Kabul University) came up in my conversations with Afghans from all walks of life, many people indirectly supported these tactics or when Till only foreigners were targeted looked the other way. If you had no other option against armed attackers, you could have resorted to suicide bombings, provided that no innocent Afghans were killed. Such a conversation was the final decision.

Similarly, many Afghans who were regularly involved in corruption thought and declared that they were wasting infidel money. Taking the Qur’anic verses out of context, they were regularly taught in schools and universities, including at the University of Kabul’s School of Law and Political Science, where I studied that Christians and Jews are never our friends. Can Ironically, the United States and the World Bank helped pay the salaries of Afghan schoolteachers and university professors, who spread hatred against Christians and Jews.

Furthermore, one can give Afghan society the status of a misunderstanding, including Islamic standards. Discrimination against girls begins before they are born, which is strictly forbidden in Islam. When a woman becomes pregnant, the family prefers the future child to be a boy. Mothers who give birth to girls are angry with them and are sometimes verbally abused and physically abused. Under pressure, it is not uncommon for Afghan women to become pregnant until a boy is born. Women who have a son make several attempts to have at least two children during pregnancy. When girls are born, families treat such occasions with either sadness or indifference.

As children, girls are expected to work and boys (directly or indirectly) are discouraged from doing so. A sister should cook, wash and clean the house for her brother and other family members, while a brother cannot even bother to wash his cup of tea. In most rural areas, and even partly in cities, girls are discouraged from studying beyond the fourth or fifth grade, as they are expected to marry when they reach puberty.

It is common in many parts of Afghanistan that when a man and a woman, especially a husband and wife, go out of the house, the “man” walks one meter or more away from the woman, which is usually چڈاری (Clothing that covers women from head to toe), so that they do not see the public walking with the woman. Furthermore, we as Muslims know the names of our Prophet’s mother, daughters, wives and other relatives. In Afghanistan, however, naming a family member is a social taboo. Many Afghan men call their wives their “stuff.”

The overall perception of Afghan society about the status of girls and women is not much different from that of the Taliban. Thus, if the Taliban make it compulsory to wear the headscarf again, some (who mainly live in cities and in some cases either come from abroad or have gone abroad) will object. The majority of Afghans will accept this decision without much fuss.

Afghan opponents of the Taliban.

Opponents of the Taliban are civilians and Western Afghans, mainly based in cities such as Kabul, Herat and Mazar. Anti-Taliban urban Afghans, however, outnumber conservative rural Afghans, who form the Taliban’s support base. In a country like Afghanistan, where the majority of the population lives in rural areas, it should be clear which part benefits.

This citizen was among Afghans, mostly living in the “Kabul Bubble”, the United States has made a critical investment in the last 20 years. Ironically, some of these citizens, who actually came from abroad and did not even know the official languages ​​of Afghanistan, would declare themselves as “representatives of modern Afghanistan.” Most members of the so-called Kabul Bubble did not dare to visit rural Afghanistan, which they falsely claimed to represent. With security details

Thus, the perception of the anti-Taliban, Western-based Afghans on the ground could not be more cloudy. They lived in a different world. When things started to unfold in July and early August, at first they were surprised and couldn’t believe what was happening in front of their eyes. Once a bit of reality sank, thousands – nonsense of representing their modern Afghanistan – began rushing to Kabul airport to catch the first available plane to protect the Western world. That is why so many Afghan singers, artists, and self-styled women’s rights activists are accusing the United States of abandoning them, and throwing them at wolves.

That being said, there were certainly anti-Taliban civilians (including a large number of ethnic Pashtuns) who did not come from abroad. He did not live in a security bubble, and he wanted Afghanistan to really develop. In addition, rural Hazaras and other non-Sunni Muslims in Afghanistan did not support the Taliban. Yet, these Afghans, too, were a progressive minority within a largely conservative and sometimes reactionary society.

Anyone can employ 14.Th Century Muslim sociologist Ibn Khaldun’s theory of desert civilization (rural) vs. bechini (settled) civilization to explain the current Afghan rural-urban divide, which is in favor of the Taliban. I will leave this field to anthropologists for further research. Finally, I would like to emphasize that claims like the Taliban do not represent Afghanistan and cannot go beyond the truth. The Taliban represent Afghanistan for the most part without appealing to Western audiences.

If the Taliban, unlike the well-educated and well-educated Islamic scholars at Cairo’s Al-Azhar University, have extremist and erroneous views, it is because they are a direct product of a semi-literate, rural Afghan society. The Taliban’s (and the Taliban’s) approach to life is more influenced by their culture than Islam.





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